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Beyond Women’s Empowerment in Africa

The goal of education is the same across the world: to shape and fashion people into certain accepted norms. However, what one does with the attained knowledge and skills differs. Cultural reproduction has been used to understand this dynamic. Part of the criteria for this disempowerment process is identifying women as needy, uneducated, and ignorant.

Today, several years into the third millennium, these identifications and their meanings constitute an important part of identity of women in Africa, which differentiate African women from other women in the other parts of the world, particularly the West. CHAT tradition provides a tenable starting point for understanding the cultural reproduction and differentiation mechanisms in the lives of ordinary women in Tanzania in this study. To understand this dynamic, the book identifies the significance of modern education and its role in creating dislocation between women and their needs and interests and the cultural standards of empowered individuals.

Willis and Bourdieu , have elaborated on the mismatch between the history in institutional structures and history at the personal level. Both agree that though social institutions such as school and employment are not related to human beings, their histories come together in terms of culturally mediated forms. Therefore, the current lives and stories of ordinary women in Africa are largely culturally mediated. Being able to conceptualize the history of modern education in relation to African women allows for a frame of reference in the exploration of structuring processes that have made it possible to disempower African women and dislocate them from their knowledge and isolate them from their labor.

This book shows that studies that have embellished, valorized, and sanitized education as in opposition to the everyday messy lives of people are not only misleading but also grossly inaccurate. In fact, such views have contributed to seeing human life as divided: one informal and another formal. The book brings us to dilemmas familiar in the field of education and feminist scholarship that have lasted for several decades: how can we conceptualize the current situation of ordinary women in Africa in ways that do not in the end underwrite the sociocultural and historical conditions under which they operate?

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How can we avoid ideas represented about African women to understand their everyday lives and perceptions in it? The book shows that both the current situation of women and their representations are unfinished and are still taking place. The book calls for a more reflective approach of understanding the process and how those stereotypes have been developed and allocated to women and for what reasons.

My argument is that these stereotypes have led Introduction 13 to the disempowerment of women. Set within the everyday activities of women in rural Tanzania, the book answers the key question: how can we conceptualize the interplay between the current conditions of ordinary women in Africa in practice and the role of institution of modern education and governments in dislocating them?

Beyond Women's Empowerment in Africa : Exploring Dislocation and Agency

Thus, this book demonstrates that the institution of modern education in Africa has created disempowerment and resistance to the masses of women, opening a door for the dominant group to be on an offensive position. As the provision of education to women focuses on the lack of certain forms of knowledge or skills, as well as the capacity to get it right, African women who were supposed to be the makers of history and motors of development have become the subject matter of education discourse.

For over three decades, feminists have tried to understand how it was possible to remove women from many segments of power across time and space. There have been many reasons offered to explain this discrepancy.

This deficit perspective has a long history within postcolonial feminisms. Domestic labor, it is argued, is used to discriminate women from the world of employment. This explanation, around which this book is situated, contends that women have power and agency, and these can be seen in their everyday lives and activities and are of equal importance to them but are not acknowledged or supported by others. There are three general themes that stand out in this book. These particular themes have been chosen both for the reason that they are timely topics of debate among scholars of colonialism and African development and for the fact that they allow for a historical narrative that fully explores the role of women in the processes of economic and social transformation in Africa.

They continuously engage in various forms of dialogue through which they have appropriated spaces in the wake of structural and institutional changes and new demands. The book illustrates that African women are not voiceless as is often claimed.

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On the contrary, their voices are articulated in a variety of spaces, some in women-centered and others in gender-neutral avenues. These voices have been missed because some are coded and need to be decoded and encoded in order to be understood. There continues to be a lot of debate about whether African women are victims and have no agency or are agents and voice to be heard. These debates have generated massive amounts of literature, though most of this literature does not extend much beyond aesthetic judgment and mere theoretical exploration. There is a great diversity in the politics and activities that women perform and the strategies they use in performing them.

But the work of educators and development personnel continuously draws on formal education and formal employment, showing how lack of education has positioned women in precarious and disadvantageous positions. The last decade has seen a growth of interest in empowering women, and African indigenous knowledge systems have been acknowledged as important in the development of society. Societies have become more global, and people must learn to interact with an increasing diversity of groups.

Conclusion

Societies and many modern institutions are having difficulty in effectively identifying, acknowledging, and supporting other knowledges and activities that seem to be inconsistent with the current social condition: how can scholars, development planners, and national leaders tap the knowledge and skills that people develop as they learn and make sense of their everyday lives in the same globalizing world?

This book considers everyday life as a rich venue for learning and knowledge that could be used to achieve larger societal goals.


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The book uses dialectical and synthesizing methods as viable models for developing a framework for theory and practice. Learning and knowing are both objective and subjective processes, originating not only in schools and colleges but also at home and in unregulated places where everyday life occurs as people live their lives. Therefore, in this study, I hope to contribute to efforts in the understanding of ways in which the disempowerment of the majority of African women occurs and how it is maintained and transformed.

Thus, in this way, my project contributes to cultural historical writings, focusing more on unique constructs that have been marginalized in feminist and education literature. Even as I embark on the discussion of the various chapters in this book, I would like to briefly discourage premature judgment about the theoretical framework adopted in this book. This book should not be seen simply as another contribution to that longed-for someday archive i.


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A growing number Introduction 17 of researchers claim that there are multiple knowledges. At some point in the analyses in subsequent chapters, I analyze narratives from my informants or interviewees, which may seem inappropriate in the minds of the politically correct, conservatives or liberals, right or left. I do not really care about the political and social squabbles, of left and right, straight and gay, patriarchal and matriarchal, all binaries as well as yellow, black, white, red, and blue interests.

Therefore, I do not care that some would think perhaps some of my informants went too far when they decided to have too many children or stick with their marriages despite abusive husbands, or, for example, the case of one woman who decided to remain in a polygamous marriage.

I discourage quick judgment about the decisions these women had to make as they negotiated for agency and space in society and ordered their lives within historical, cultural, and social contradictory conditions. While myself and some of the interviewees, such as Mankya, had adequate education and I was reasonably stable financially, there are reasonable grounds to object to some of our actions, but I urge the reader not to let hasty verdicts foreclose more nuanced analyses of the various factors at play in all the scenarios and scenes until they are all played out.

How much can we learn from the current condition of women in rural communities of Tanzania? What are sociocultural and historical processes and practices involved in these dislocations? How do women make sense of and resist their dislocation? This study seeks to answer those questions. Centr a l P ur po se of the Book In conclusion, I would like to explain the contexts and assumptions of some of the different claims that I make in this book. The most basic claim I make in the chapters that follow is that African women are knowledgeable and their stories are told in their active engagement in a much wider array of activities than has been previously documented.

Another claim put forward in this book is that the knowledge and activities, and thus the stories of African women in fact, cannot be properly appreciated if viewed under the rubric of race, gender, class, or ability. These activities and the stories they tell are integrated with everyday life as women make sense of their dislocated lives. I demonstrate how African women encounter a variety of barriers and challenges that shape their knowledge and activities and produce unique forms of thinking and behavior.

I argue that these forms of behavior both express and contribute to the production of the contradictory character of everyday life of women in modern and global society. Finally, I argue that the stories that women tell in this book are a contradiction that women encounter as they negotiate against their dislocated selves in the separate worlds in modern society.

The chapters that follow elaborate and develop on each of these themes. Struc ture o f t he Book This book is organized in seven chapters. The general introduction outlines the various issues raised and studied in this book. The first chapter interrogates social and cultural dislocation within poststructural, postcolonial, and cultural-historical activity lenses.

The third chapter looks at khanga as an important artifact through which women make meaning and construct knowledge.

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This chapter presents several evidences in support of the idea that women have different and specific ways that they learn, construct knowledge, and shape society. It scrutinizes the present efforts in recovering knowledge systems in Introduction 19 Africa. The fifth chapter examines the everyday lives of women in rural Kilimanjaro, from the farm to the house.

It uses the life stories of Doris Ngabanu to illustrate the daily struggles of women in this part of the world, especially how they negotiate and do dialogue with everyday obstacles. The last chapter is mainly a synopsis and prognosis of the main arguments of the book. Women have incredible knowledge of farming, seeds, herbs, and plants of medicinal and cosmetic value commonly used by people of Africa, and this is considered precious both in the family and community.


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There are few studies that have only alluded to this knowledge system by ethnographers, anthropologists, and other disciplines. The problem has been that many of these studies have failed to recognize the gender dimension of knowledge systems, especially in Africa.

Women economic empowerment in Africa

This is not surprising because many of these scholars were European and had very little means of understanding and deciphering gender dimensions in learning and construction of knowledge. Only recently have misrepresentations associated with the notions that only the Europeans and men can construct knowledge have been deconstructed and unmasked as wrong and lacking academic gravitas.